Poland took over the six-month presidency of the Council of the EU in January. Katarzyna Walecka reflects on the country’s evolving role within the EU and examines how Poland might shape the EU’s future trajectory.
In January this year, Poland assumed the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union for the second time – almost 21 years after its landmark accession in 2004.
The “Big Bang” enlargement was a momentous event for Poland, long viewed as a “return to Europe”. During the 2003 referendum, 77.5% of Polish voters endorsed membership, with a turnout of nearly 59% (the highest since the 1989 semi-free elections). Since then, Poland’s journey within the EU has reshaped its economy, politics and society in profound ways.
Europe’s “green island”
Over the past two decades, Poland has enjoyed remarkable growth. According to the Polish Economic Institute, its GDP per capita is now around 40% higher thanks to EU membership. Unemployment, which stood at 19% in 2004, now hovers around 5%. During the 2008 financial crisis, Poland was dubbed the “green island”, largely avoiding a recession – an outcome attributed to its limited exposure to the Eurozone.
Although Poland declared its intention to join the Eurozone on entering the EU, a report recently published by the European Central Bank shows that Poland has not progressed with the required criteria to do so, reflecting the attitude of its political elites.
The Law and Justice party openly rejected adopting the euro while in office, and pro-European governments led by Civic Platform, despite airing more positive views on the issue, have never taken decisive steps to fulfil the initial declaration. This falls in line with the societal mood, with only 35% of the population in favour of replacing the zloty with the euro, and over 50% against.
EU integration has also helped overhaul the country’s infrastructure, with funding for new roads, railways and public facilities in both urban centres and peripheral areas. Poland’s Human Development Index (HDI) now stands at 0.875 (34th globally), reflecting higher life expectancy, better education and a reduction in the poverty rate from 45% to around 16%.
Tens of thousands of Poles have taken advantage of EU mobility programmes like Erasmus, while many (over two million) have sought work abroad – especially in Germany, the UK, the Netherlands and Ireland. The year 2019 was the first year when more Poles had returned home than departed, no doubt partly due to the country’s growing economic appeal. However, this has not been a continuous trend.
Despite these economic successes, Poland’s EU experience has not been without political friction. In recent years, judicial reforms triggered a “rule of law crisis”, leading the European Commission to question whether Polish courts remain independent.
These reforms prompted infringement procedures and raised concerns about potential overreach by Brussels versus legitimate national sovereignty. The conflict with the Polish Law and Justice government in 2015-2023 led to the freezing of recovery funds, which are only now being unblocked in stages, with the new government providing evidence of reversing the disputed changes.
Shifting debates on migration and LGBTQ rights
Poland’s stance on civil liberties often brings EU norms into tension with local traditions, especially around LGBTQ issues. During the 2005-2007 Law and Justice coalition, the government opted out of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, citing fears of external interference in family law and same-sex rights.
Although same-sex marriage and civil partnerships remain illegal, public opinion surveys point to a gradual increase in acceptance, suggesting grassroots attitudes may be evolving faster than legislation. EU membership has also enabled cross-border activism and spurred alignment with EU directives, as seen in Poland’s labour code banning workplace discrimination based on sexual orientation.
At the same time, political elites have grown more conservative on other social matters, notably by tightening abortion laws – reforms that even the newer, more liberal coalition has not reversed. Meanwhile, migration debates in Poland have become more subdued, yet polarised. As the country has become a transit route into western Europe, authorities have resorted to pushbacks at the eastern border to curb unauthorised migration.
Around half the population supports these measures, while many others remain receptive to migrants from neighbouring countries, such as Belarus and Ukraine. After the full scale invasion in Ukraine, Poland became the top refugee country, with almost one million Ukrainians, mostly women and children, taking up employment or attending school.
Enduring enthusiasm for EU membership
Public support for EU membership generally remains strong – often above 70%, sometimes reaching 90%. While “Polexit” slogans emerge sporadically during elections, no major party formally advocates leaving the EU. There are, nevertheless, some critical voices, such as those expressing concerns about the “imposition” of EU regulations and fears about Poland’s lack of autonomy, dependence on the European Union and political pressure to submit to the decisions of EU bodies.
In recent years, planned restrictions aimed at environmental and climate protection, alongside energy transformation and the EU Green Deal, have also been perceived as too far-fetched. Yet for many Poles, the tangible benefits – from modern infrastructure to social programmes – outweigh the downsides, underscoring the perceived balance between national autonomy and broader European integration.
Poland’s growing influence in Europe
Since joining in 2004, Poland has progressively enhanced its influence within the EU. Polish representatives, unlike most in the region, have held high level positions in the EU’s institutions. Jerzy Buzek served as President of the European Parliament, while the current Polish prime minister, Donald Tusk, was previously President of the European Council.
Policy-wise, Poland has been keen to advocate for the EU’s eastern neighbours, and in 2009, together with Sweden, co-launched the Eastern Partnership to forge closer ties with Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia and Moldova, among others. This initiative highlights Poland’s strategic focus on EU neighbourhood policy and reflects its growing leadership on issues such as security – seen most recently in its firm response to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.
Since Russia’s invasion, Poland has invested heavily in the military sector, becoming the third-largest army among NATO members after the United States and Turkey. While Poland has occasionally opted out from some mechanisms, it nonetheless promotes unity across the EU. In particular, it objects to “differentiated integration”, fearing it may place countries outside the Eurozone on the periphery, thereby limiting their contribution to the development of the EU.
Poland’s second EU presidency
In taking up the Council presidency for the second time, Poland has chosen the slogan “Security, Europe!”, which incorporates two interwoven themes. The first is a call for a decisive, collective response to threats in eastern Europe, prompted by Russia’s aggression and concerns over Ukraine’s borders.
The second places an emphasis on internal competitiveness, highlighting the need to harness technological innovation and navigate a green transition while acknowledging Poland’s dependence on coal. Balancing environmental targets with regional economic realities remains a challenge for both Poland and the wider EU.
This presidency unfolds at a critical juncture for the Union, as it navigates the post-pandemic recovery, renewed conflict on its eastern border, and ongoing debates about democracy and shared values. By steering discussions on defence, territorial integrity and sustainable growth, Poland hopes to ensure that the perspectives of EU members from Central Europe and the Baltic States remain central to the EU’s evolving agenda.
Looking ahead
Over the past two decades, Poland’s EU membership has been a catalyst for economic growth, expanded civil liberties and greater geopolitical influence. Under the new leadership of Donald Tusk, the government has demonstrated its commitment to overhauling the judicial system, prompting the European Commission in 2024 to conclude that there was no longer a serious risk of a breach of the rule of law. As a result, the Article 7 procedure, opened in 2017, was closed. In the same year, Poland joined the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, signalling a renewed pledge to EU-wide legal and judicial cooperation.
Today, as Poland embarks on its second presidency in an increasingly tense international landscape, the country finds itself at a pivotal moment. By championing security initiatives and pursuing greener technologies, Poland positions the country as both a regional power and a staunch advocate of a more cohesive EU. Aligning domestic objectives with the broader aims of the EU will enable Poland to challenge stereotypes about “peripheral” states – and show that post-communist nations are not only capable of catching up with “old” member states but can also help shape the European Union’s future trajectory.
This article is part of a series organised by Eli Gateva on Rethinking Europe’s East-West Divide – 20 Years since the Big Bang Enlargement.
Note: This article gives the views of the author, not the position of EUROPP – European Politics and Policy or the London School of Economics. Featured image credit: European Union
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