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    Opening: 27-30 April plenary session in Strasbourg | News | European Parliament

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    2027 EU budget: press conference with lead MEP on Tuesday at 13.30 | News | European Parliament

    2027 EU budget: press conference with lead MEP on Tuesday at 13.30 | News | European Parliament

    Rule of law in the EU: press conference on Tuesday 28 April at 15.30 CEST | News | European Parliament

    Rule of law in the EU: press conference on Tuesday 28 April at 15.30 CEST | News | European Parliament

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    Consent-based definition of rape in EU law: press conference Tuesday 28 April | News | European Parliament

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    Opening: 27-30 April plenary session in Strasbourg | News | European Parliament

    Opening: 27-30 April plenary session in Strasbourg | News | European Parliament

    Press conference: assessing EU budget management | News | European Parliament

    Press conference: assessing EU budget management | News | European Parliament

    AI: press conference debrief on the negotiations to update EU rules | News | European Parliament

    AI: press conference debrief on the negotiations to update EU rules | News | European Parliament

    2027 EU budget: press conference with lead MEP on Tuesday at 13.30 | News | European Parliament

    2027 EU budget: press conference with lead MEP on Tuesday at 13.30 | News | European Parliament

    Rule of law in the EU: press conference on Tuesday 28 April at 15.30 CEST | News | European Parliament

    Rule of law in the EU: press conference on Tuesday 28 April at 15.30 CEST | News | European Parliament

    Consent-based definition of rape in EU law: press conference Tuesday 28 April | News | European Parliament

    Consent-based definition of rape in EU law: press conference Tuesday 28 April | News | European Parliament

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    Mafia, local governments and money – how fighting collusion reshapes EU investment –

    Mafia, local governments and money – how fighting collusion reshapes EU investment –

    Can Tisza restore Hungarian democracy? – LSE European Politics

    Can Tisza restore Hungarian democracy? – LSE European Politics

    How Hungary’s Tisza Party won everything, everywhere, all at once

    How Hungary’s Tisza Party won everything, everywhere, all at once

    In the age of AI, citizens may become more critical of human decision-makers

    In the age of AI, citizens may become more critical of human decision-makers

    Italy’s referendum – is the Italian right as united as it seems?

    Italy’s referendum – is the Italian right as united as it seems?

    What skills policy can tell us about the tunnel vision of policymakers

    What skills policy can tell us about the tunnel vision of policymakers

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    How Hungary’s Tisza Party won everything, everywhere, all at once

    How Hungary’s Tisza Party won everything, everywhere, all at once

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    Why enlargement is now a strategic priority for the EU

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    Will reforms to the Better Regulation policy damage the EU’s legitimacy?

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    The STEM gender gap – pipeline vs choice

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    Can Europe achieve digital sovereignty? – EUROPP

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    The Dutch parliamentary election – not quite a “return to the centre”

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    Was Tisza’s victory in Hungary the beginning of the end for illiberalism?

    Was Tisza’s victory in Hungary the beginning of the end for illiberalism?

    Can Tisza restore Hungarian democracy? – LSE European Politics

    Can Tisza restore Hungarian democracy? – LSE European Politics

    How Péter Magyar and Tisza remade the Hungarian party system – LSE European Politics

    How Péter Magyar and Tisza remade the Hungarian party system – LSE European Politics

    How Hungary’s Tisza Party won everything, everywhere, all at once

    How Hungary’s Tisza Party won everything, everywhere, all at once

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    It’s time for a more pragmatic EU-China trade relationship

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    What should we expect from the next Hungarian government?

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Live updates: Supreme Court opinion on the Trump 14th Amendment ballot case

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A five-member majority from the court said in Monday’s ruling that Congress would need to pass an enforcement mechanism before states could remove federal candidates from the ballot based on the 14th Amendment’s “insurrectionist ban.” Four members of the court – the three liberals, plus Justice Amy Coney Barrett – disagreed. 

The all-conservative majority said this about their colleagues: “they object only to our taking into account the distinctive way Section 3 works and the fact that Section 5 vests in Congress the power to enforce it.” 

The 14th Amendment’s key provision, Section 3, says in part:

“No person shall … hold any office … under the United States … who, having previously taken an oath … to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof.”

That five-member majority said the US Constitution gave Congress the power to decide how those determinations should be made. “The relevant provision is Section 5, which enables Congress, subject of course to judicial review, to pass ‘appropriate legislation’ to ‘enforce’ the Fourteenth Amendment.” 

Some more context: This finding from the majority revolves around whether the insurrectionist ban is “self-executing,” which would mean that its ratification in 1868 is enough for election officials or courts to enforce it against Trump or any other candidate. Historically, that is what happened to thousands of Confederates during Reconstruction, according to testimony at the Colorado disqualification trial from a leading constitutional scholar.  

Trump argued that the Colorado courts got it wrong when they concluded that Congress doesn’t need to pass a resolution disqualifying him from office for the ban to be enforced against him. One of the dissenting Colorado justices embraced Trump’s theory that the provision isn’t self-executing, citing a ruling from the 1869 “Griffin’s Case,” which Trump heavily leaned on in his Supreme Court appeal.  



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